FEATURE: ‘A thigh for promotion’- female MPs bemoan sexual harassment in politics

By Staff Writer

How do you represent someone who is offended and sexually violated when you are also a victim of similar circumstances? How do you become a voice of the voiceless when you are personally praying for someone out there to also fight your own battles?

Such questions kept lingering at the back of Tsitsi’s mind as she followed through on proceedings at a recent Economic Justice for Women’s Project (EJWP) Stakeholder Engagement Meeting.

What boggled  her was the thought of trying to figure out that female politicians, her role models whom she perceives as iron ladies who have risen to the top, defying male dominance, are still victims of sexual harassment.

“Even female MPs are exposed to such vices. These male-dominated fields are not a walk in the park if you are to rise to the top.

“For every aspiration a female politician places on the table, men in leadership positions expect us to open our legs. We also need representation and programs targeting women in politics,” Budiriro North legislator Susan Matsunga lamented.

She urged other female MPs who attended the stakeholder engagement to work tirelessly towards ending sexual harassment in politics.

“Creating a safe environment for female politicians in politics must not commence during the election period, as has been the case in past elections. All we are saying is that CSOs and other stakeholders working on such issues must adopt a proactive approach before the polls,” said Matsunga.

Generally, official records show that in Zimbabwe, at least 1 in every 3 women (15–49) has experienced physical violence (35%), while 1 in every 5 women (17%) has experienced sexual violence.

Other harmful practices, such as child and early marriages,  constitute a serious violation of the sexual, reproductive, and health rights of women and girls in Zimbabwe, leading to higher rates of early pregnancy, increased risks of exposure to HIV/AIDS, and a high level of maternal mortality.

Recent statistics by the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) show that a staggering 16 444 GBV cases and 31 deaths of women were recorded between January and November 2023, with men cited as the major perpetrators.

Prior studies on the subject matter have proved that the problem is even more complicated and rife within the country’s political circles.

According to academic Rudo Mudiwa, in her 2020 paper ‘Prostitutes, Wives, and Political Power in Zimbabwe’, “the term ‘prostitute’ is part of the political grammar in Zimbabwe, used to discipline women’s participation in party politics.” Such terms are often used as a social control mechanism to prohibit women from being actively involved in politics.

Flawed electoral policies blamed for SGBV on female politicians

Open Democracy says the country’s constitution, rewritten in 2013, underpins women’s political rights, specifically in sections 17 (gender balance), 56 (equality and non-discrimination), and 80 (rights of women). In addition, a quota system means that 60 extra seats are reserved for women in the National Assembly (the lower house of Parliament), in addition to the 210 seats open to both men and women.

But women remain underrepresented politically. Statistics from the last elections in 2018 reveal women make up 48% of the Senate (the upper house of Parliament), 31.5% of the National Assembly, and only 13.3% at the local government level. By-elections this March resulted in five women winning at the local government level compared to 23 men and 19 female councillors compared to 103 men.

Flawed electoral processes also limit the participation of women. The recent increase in nomination fees for candidates, for instance, is a major structural barrier for women, who already face the gendered impact of poverty, as well as for people with disabilities and other marginalized groups. It also increases women’s vulnerability to sextortion.

The problem of a corrupt judicial system that tends to favor the powerful and influential is another cause for concern. This encourages a culture of silence among victims of political violence, who are not confident in the efficiency or effectiveness of the judicial system. Instead, the victims themselves are often attacked.

In 2020, three female opposition activists—Cecilia Chimbiri, Joana Mamombe MP, and Netsai Marova—were abducted by unknown assailants and reportedly sexually abused and tortured after protesting against poor health service delivery during the COVID-19 pandemic. Instead of investigating what had happened, police arrested the three women on allegations of faking their abduction. After two years of court hearings, the case is still ongoing, with the latest hearing due in a couple of weeks.

In June this year, CCC activist Moreblessing Ali was found dead after allegedly being abducted two weeks earlier. The police were accused of not investigating her murder properly because of suspected links to the ruling Zanu PF party, which Zanu PF has denied.

The ZCTU Perspective

ZCTU Head of Gender,Fiona Magaya

The Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) head of the Legal, Education, and Gender Departments, Fiona Magaya, said legally, the Labour Act Amendment 11 of 2023 s. 2, 6, and, 8 on the Violence and Harassment Sexual Offenses Act provides protection for women.

On a global scale, the International Labour Organization Convention 190 on violence and sexual harassment also guarantees protection in work spaces for couples, along with the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development (a regional instrument).

“The Constitution of Zimbabwe prohibits inhuman and degrading torture and treatment of another person on s. 53. The problems women are facing at work are a power issue and a strategy to prove that women are weak and cannot lead.

“It’s coming from our patriarchal society, which does not associate women with anything except care work and reproductive roles,” said Magaya.

She said that the Labour Act must now go further to set punitive measures that deter perpetrators from preying on women.

EJWP’s Interventions

More recently, an emerging women’s rights organization, the Economic Justice for Women’s Project (EJWP), has come up with a raft of interventions that include research into issues affecting women in the Zimbabwean economy.

The CSO recently handed over a Gender Policy Model document to the Zimbabwe Gender Commission and a study on the link between fiscal justice and gender justice.

EJWP continues to work flat out through workshops with policymakers, parliamentarians and community engagement projects to advance the plight of women.